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Execution Drugs:
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Issues In Lethal Injection
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Is lethal injection humane? Based on experience, you could say, "Sometimes." Or you could say, "No one knows." The truth is that lethal injection is pretty much a do-it-yourself project, carried out by prison employees and contract labor at the execution site in each state. Each prison warden is guided by his or her budget priorities and available personnel, and by the state's often-vague legislation on administering death.
One of the strongest trends I uncovered while researching The Hangman's Knot is that a debate over humaneness, and a change in execution method, has accompanied every major era of capital punishment "reform." Lethal injection was debated as early as 1888, but physicians successfully opposed it as potentially associating medical practice with death. Today, doctors skirt the issue by supervising the execution and pronouncement of death without actually touching the condemned. Avoiding hands-on participation was also a reason given by church officials during the Inquisition for burning, rather than hanging or beheading, the condemned. After all, neither tying the condemned to a stake nor setting the wood on fire was a direct cause of death.
In the United States, at some point we came to feel that we must not appear "cruel" when taking the life of a convicted felon. Electrocution, gas, lethal injection -- each has been hailed in its time as "humane," "scientific," a "final solution" to the problem of disposing of those judged unworthy to live. In 1889, forward-looking New York legislator Elbridge Gerry recommended electrocution as a substitute for hanging. Gerry declared that mental suffering before execution was punishment enough, and the method of execution should be "as rapid and painless as possible."
The rest of Gerry's comment was less noticed. He said that any replacement for hanging should not expose onlookers to the violence and blood-letting of other methods, such as the guillotine, even if these methods produced instantaneous death. Gerry was a politician and he knew his constituents. To support capital punishment, the public needed an apparently painless execution. But they also needed an orderly, antiseptic scene of death.
Electrocution, as written about in Scientific American and other prestigious journals, had the right combination of fascinating technology and reassuring efficiency that we now hope we have found in lethal injection. When Elbridge Gerry and others enthused about voltage meters and other apparatus, barely mentioning that this was machinery designed to kill, the execution stopped being a spectacle or even an event. It was reborn as a "procedure."
Ronald Reagan advocated lethal injection in 1973, comparing it to "putting a horse to sleep." In 1977 Oklahoma became the first state to adopt lethal injection. When legislators learned it would cost $62,000 to repair their electric chair and $300,000 to construct a gas chamber, they took the advice of the head of Oklahoma Medical School's Anesthesiology Department and chose lethal injection using a short-acting barbiturate followed by a paralytic agent.
Now that numerous executions have been carried out by lethal injection, of course, the questions and the tinkering have begun, just as they did with previous methods. Is using pancuronium bromide (Pavulon) wantonly cruel, given that the drug has been banned in 19 states as a method for euthanizing non-human animals? Is the Pavulon necessary when potassium chloride is also given? And, on another issue, should the governor of Kentucky, a licensed physician, sign a death warrant?
When executions were public spectacles, the terror and pain of the condemned individuals, weeping, pleading, trussed into immobility like livestock and having lost control over their bodily functions, drove home one obvious point -- the nation or state that executes has ultimate mastery, body and soul, over its subjects. It is not a state that governs by consent of the governed. But after Americans declared ourselves citizens, not subjects, open public debate made capital punishment the political problem it is today. Reformers charged that execution was a barbaric holdover from our colonial subjugation. Conservatives supported, even demanded, capital punishment as a show of domination by the government of which they themselves were often the leaders. Some American states abolished the death penalty -- for a total of 12 non-executing states today. But for most states, a technical fix or other innovation in procedure was instrumental in buying off death-penalty opponents.
This time around, I suspect that in states where the death penalty is popular, officials will stick with lethal injection for awhile and work instead on reducing the amount of information available to witnesses. Prison wardens have an extraordinary amount of arbitrary power, and execution teams now routinely pull the curtains or blinds between witnesses and the death chamber whenever there is a hitch in the dying. Different reasons may be given -- such as "protecting the identity of the execution team" -- or no reason at all.
Will this development put paid to the American ideal of open, and fully informed, public debate? The differences in degree of suffering we are debating now are, frankly, small -- very small compared to crucifixion, stoning, or burning alive. Perhaps our time would be better spent asking ourselves why we execute. No credible study has shown that execution deters others from murder. All we've done is pair statistics on the untested theory that number of murders versus number of executions have a causal relationship. We really haven't studied the mental process of a large sample of killers in any methodical way.
And if our purpose in executing is to exact revenge, to bring satisfaction to the victim's loved ones, why do we concern ourselves with humane procedure at all? Our model of execution over the past 100 years or so seems to be "exterminating a pest" without leaving any mess to clean up.
Execution procedure is driven by a political reality: lawmakers will
respond to public demand for the death penalty until said lawmakers
find there are political costs to them for support -- costs such as discovering
that the means of death is messy or that a number of the condemned
didn't commit the crime. The perfect death penalty statute could well
be the statute that remains on the books forever, but has so many qualifying
factors that no one can actually be executed. That might solve the
political equation. But it wouldn't do us much credit as ethical beings.
At the end of the day, we-the-people still have to know the purpose of
our acts and take responsibility for their outcomes.
©2003-2005, Eliza Steelwater. Web site design by T2Designs.com.